NEW YORK — On Tuesday, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a third-term Democrat, presented his vision for the coming year, a spectacle accompanied by predictable standing ovations and a 353-page briefing book. It was the ninth such address for Cuomo, and as in every year before, it was chockablock with dozens of ideas, goals and proposals, ranging from making marijuana legal to banning revenge pornography to allowing people to place bets on sporting events in four casinos upstate.

Unlike in past years, however, when the divided Statehouse made big chunks of the State of the State address a pipe dream, the newly elected Democratic-controlled state Legislature puts the governor’s agenda much closer to becoming reality.

“It’s just us,” as the governor put it. “We are in control.”

What, exactly, will that control bring? That depends on whom you ask. Here’s a look at what 2019 in New York may look like, as told by the governor’s speech, his colleagues in the Legislature and history.

When and where will marijuana be legal? (Asking for a friend.)

Less than two years ago, Cuomo was warning that marijuana was “a gateway drug,” a “Reefer Madness"-style condemnation that put him out of step with a national trend toward the acceptance of cannabis as both medicine and recreational hobby.

On Tuesday, however, it seemed his evolution was complete, as he touted the potential economic benefits of legalization (some $300 million per year in tax revenue by 2024) as well as its ability to support programs in poor communities.

Still, legal sales would not be sanctioned until next year at the earliest, and would come festooned with a variety of rules and regulations, including no sales to anyone under 21 and an ability for any county or city to opt out of the program. (That the governor still wants strict controls is not surprising; when he signed a law legalizing medical marijuana in 2014, it was roundly criticized as being too restrictive, including a ban on smoking the drug.)

That makes it seem as if he’s not quite as progressive as he sounds. What’s the truth?

Well, Cuomo was largely a centrist for much of his political career but has undeniably banked left in recent years. And Tuesday’s presentation was a veritable all-you-can-pass progressive buffet, with plans to strengthen rent regulation, extend a tax on high earners, ban single-use plastic shopping bags, reform cash bail, protect the coast from offshore drilling, combat the Trump administration at every last possible ...

You get the idea.

There are a few theories about that liberal tilt: He has always been a secret progressive, thwarted by a Republican Senate (which he was all too willing to work with for eight years); he has been secretly scared to the left by last year’s primary challenge by Cynthia Nixon (whom he handily dispatched in September); he is secretly running for president and knows the Democratic Party may be in the market for a pure-at-heart firebrand who can back up rhetoric with accomplishments (Cuomo has repeatedly denied wanting the top job in Washington).

Regardless, it would be tough to say that Cuomo isn’t embracing his inner liberal, at least for the moment, particularly with plans to eliminate all fossil fuels and make the state 100 percent carbon free by 2040, as part of an idea known as the “Green New Deal.” It is an idea also trumpeted by none other than Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, another New York Democrat.

Haven’t some of these ideas been around before?

If many of Cuomo’s proposals sounded familiar, that’s because they are.

The governor’s vows to introduce early voting and close a campaign finance loophole were already passed by the state Senate and Assembly on Monday, the first legislative accomplishments of the new year; all that is left is for Cuomo to sign them. But you wouldn’t have known that from Cuomo’s speech, as he didn’t mention those milestones at all.

Many of these proposals are also old hat for the Assembly, a fact that was not lost on its leader, Carl E. Heastie, who diplomatically noted that “a lot of these ideas have long been introduced by members.” Indeed, even before the governor spoke, legislative leaders had said they would pass a bill to codify Roe v. Wade early next week, a concept that the governor made a central part of his “women’s agenda” on Tuesday.

Note: Cuomo also pushed for a “women’s agenda” last year.

I heard something about paying to drive in Manhattan so that the subways don’t collapse. Is that true? (And if so, will it work?)

One of Cuomo’s biggest pushes this year will be to put into effect a congestion pricing plan, which would use a fee on drivers who enter the busiest parts of Manhattan to fund the city’s flailing subway system. That plan could generate $15 billion for the subway system over 10 years.

The same idea died last year, when legislators outside of Manhattan rejected it as unfair to their constituents. This time, those legislators have said they need to see details before they make up their minds. For now, they will have to keep waiting. A bill from the governor’s office Tuesday provided only the plan’s organizational mechanism: The Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority, an arm of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, would set the tolls, which would apply to certain roads, bridges or tunnels in or entering Manhattan south of 60th Street.

Those very rough parameters sound similar to the proposal put forward last year; at the time, a task force convened by Cuomo recommended that cars pay $11.52, trucks pay $25.34, and taxis and for-hire vehicles pay a surcharge of $2 to $5 per ride for entering the congestion zone.

Even if the proposal does go through, it will not be enough to meet all of the MTA’s capital needs, which could be as high as $60 billion. Cuomo has promised to make up the rest by splitting the tab with the city — a proposal Mayor Bill de Blasio has panned.

In other words, the subway system’s problems aren’t going away any time soon.

So is New York on the express lane to a liberal paradise?

Better pump the brakes.

If there was one phrase that was heard again and again in Albany on Tuesday, it was “the devil’s in the details.” Speeches and promises are nice enough, but real bills that make real laws are usually the result of days, months and sometimes years of negotiations by lawmakers and vetting by lawyers. (Oh yes, and lobbying by lobbyists, who may also face new oversight under a proposal by Cuomo.)

There are also some troubling economic signs — tax receipts slumped in recent weeks — and the potential for intraparty conflicts among all those Democrats.

Still, for one day at least, Cuomo seemed sanguine and dismissive of any suggestions that there could be friction between himself and his legislative counterparts.

“The tension is how much can we get done to make the state better,” Cuomo said before making his speech. “And it’s a positive tension.”

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.